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<text id=93TT2027>
<title>
July 19, 1993: He's No Gentle Ben
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1993
July 19, 1993 Whose Little Girl Is This?
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
CIVIL RIGHTS, Page 33
He's No Gentle Ben
</hdr>
<body>
<p>The N.A.A.C.P.'s new leader is shaking up the stodgy group,
but the Old Guard considers him a scary radical
</p>
<p>By JACK E. WHITE/WASHINGTON
</p>
<p> Who is he? And why on earth would he want the job anyway? Those
were the first questions many people asked when Benjamin F.
Chavis Jr. became executive director of the National Association
for the Advancement of Colored People last April. Chavis immediately
provided some answers: he was a man of action with a sense of
symbolism as well.
</p>
<p> In his first three months on the job, Chavis has shaken up the
N.A.A.C.P., trading its long-standing cautiousness for a new
militancy. Only a day after his selection, he demonstrated the
association's renewed concern for reaching the inner-city poor
by journeying to violence-plagued housing projects in Los Angeles
to help keep the peace as the city awaited the verdict in the
federal trial of four police officers accused of violating Rodney
King's civil rights. Chavis hopes to broaden the group's appeal
to include Hispanics, Asian Americans and other "people of color"
in the U.S., while converting the N.A.A.C.P. into a global human-rights
organization by establishing chapters in Africa and the Caribbean.
This week at its annual convention in Indianapolis, the N.A.A.C.P.
plans to announce a "strategic alliance" with Nelson Mandela's
African National Congress. Says Chavis: "Any organization that's
contemplating being viable in the 21st century has to have a
global consciousness."
</p>
<p> The N.A.A.C.P. could use a boost. Under Chavis' predecessor,
Benjamin Hooks, the group's influence sagged and membership
dragged. The leadership spent almost as much energy beating
down internal feuds as battling the Reagan and Bush administrations'
attempts to turn back the clock on civil rights. Even the yearlong
search for Hooks' replacement came close to a meltdown when
Jesse Jackson abruptly withdrew his name from consideration
just before the 64-member board of directors met to make its
decision.
</p>
<p> That left Chavis, the 45-year-old head of the United Church
of Christ's Commission for Racial Justice, as the fallback choice
to revive the nation's oldest and largest civil rights organization.
Before that he had been best-known as the leader of the Wilmington
10, a band of activists imprisoned for burning down a grocery
store and conspiring to shoot at policemen during a 1971 civil
rights protest in North Carolina. The convictions were thrown
out by a federal judge in 1980 on the grounds that the testimony
of prosecution witnesses had been coerced by police.
</p>
<p> So far, Chavis' attention-getting tactics have won applause
from many of the N.A.A.C.P.'s rank and file. But his quick start
has rattled some of the association's Old Guard, who consider
him too radical. Many resent the association's endorsement of
President Bill Clinton's plan to lift the ban on gays in the
military. Others criticize Chavis' scheme for going global as
too grandiose for a group that has more than twice as many inactive
members (1.2 million) as dues-paying participants (500,000).
</p>
<p> Yet another embarrassing flap erupted last week after the N.A.A.C.P.
signed a "fair share" agreement providing employment and business
opportunities for blacks with Richardson Sports/Carolinas Stadium
Corp., a group that is trying to bring a professional football
franchise to Charlotte, North Carolina. In return, Chavis announced,
the association would "do what we can to help" the group win
the franchise. The deal outraged city officials and local N.A.A.C.P.
leaders in Baltimore, Maryland, where the association has its
national headquarters and which happens to be one of several
cities competing against Charlotte for an expansion team. To
still the outcry, Chavis was forced to backtrack, stating that
the N.A.A.C.P. "does not favor any one city over the others."
</p>
<p> Most unsettling to the critics are the resumes of the two men
Chavis chose as his top assistants. As communications director
he named Don Rojas, 40, who was press secretary to Maurice Bishop,
the leftist leader of Grenada slain in a 1983 coup that led
to the U.S. invasion of the island. As deputy director he picked
Lewis Myers Jr., 45, a Chicago lawyer who served as general
counsel to Louis Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam for more
than a decade. Some members fear that Rojas and Myers could
frighten some of the N.A.A.C.P.'s allies. "Just wait till the
Jews get hold of Myers' background," says a disgruntled veteran.
"Of all the people he could have as his deputy, he had to find
one with a Farrakhan connection."
</p>
<p> Chavis defends his choice of Rojas and Myers. "The criterion
that I used was not whether these persons were connected to
controversial persons," he says. "The criterion I used was whether
they bring a standard of excellence to their jobs." Even so,
some within the N.A.A.C.P. say board members may try to reduce
Chavis' authority to hire staff without first getting their
O.K.
</p>
<p> Chavis and his lieutenants insist that they want to retain the
group's centrist image, even while revamping it for a new era.
Says Myers: "We're not here to rock the boat, we're here to
learn it." Perhaps, but such assurances have not done much to
mollify the N.A.A.C.P.'s tradition-minded loyalists who fear
that Chavis will run the association aground by steering too
far to the left.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>